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Invasion Day Rally Perth Photos Bohdan Warchomij January 27, 2021

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Thousands of people turned out in Perth for an Invasion Day rally.

The rally began in Forrest Place and moved through the city towards Langley Park on the Swan River.

Photo Bohdan Warchomij

Bibbulman Yorga woman Corina Abraham-Howard has organised change-the-date rallies in the city for the past four years and said its purpose was to show respect and solidarity with First Nations people.

“It’s about joining together and walking with us,” she said.

Photo Bohdan Warchomij

Photo Bohdan Warchomij

“I say 1788 was the beginning of the Australian holocaust, because that’s what happened here.”

Before the rally began, she was hoping the turnout would be greater than previous years because of the increased momentum brought by the Black Lives Matter movement.

“We stand with everyone, no matter what colour or cultural background you come from,” she said.

Web Photo Bohdan Warchomij

She urged those attending the rally to be as safe as possible.

“I just ask for peace and respect.”

Photo Bohdan Warchomij

There was a cross section of the Perth community in attendance with many young people of colour

and young white Australians shouting “Change the Date”. Herbert Bropho was prominent at the head of the protest,

organising young Aboriginal children to lead the protesters. He was dressed in a kangaroo skin and carried a chain

symbolic of the yoke that Aboriginals feel is part of their pain.

Herbert Bropho Photo Bohdan Warchomij

The protestors finished up  at Supreme Court Gardens where the Birak Festival celebrated Aboriginal Culture and Music.

Rapper Little Mace kept the crowd dancing and recording his performance on their mobile phones.

Rapper Little Mace performs at the Birak Festival Photo Bohdan Warchomij

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Moscow Protests in Support of Alexey Navalny January 26, 2021

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What is  Alexey Navalny’s Endgame? From LEONID RAGOZIN Al Jazeera RIGA

Thousands of people across Russia’s 11 time zones took to the streets on January 23 to protest against the arrest of Russian opposition leader Alexey Navalny, braving the winter cold, the pandemic, and the very real threat of police brutality and incarceration. The event opens a long protest season in the run-up to parliamentary elections in September which are turning into a plebiscite on the legitimacy of President Vladimir Putin’s two-decade rule, whether he rigs them or not.

The protests took place just a week after Navalny’s daring return to Russia. In August, he was rushed to a hospital in Germany after being poisoned with a nerve agent and stayed there several months to recover. Before departing from Germany, Navalny took part in an investigation into his poisoning (mainly led by British-based investigative group Bellingcat) and even had a long telephone conversation with one of the alleged assassins.

Navalny is now under arrest, charged with violating his suspended sentence by leaving for Germany and staying there a few months. The conviction for which he received the suspended sentence was pronounced unlawful by the European Court of Human Rights.

It increasingly seems that the Russian opposition leader has become Putin’s main rival, if not yet for the nation’s leadership, then at least for the status of the world’s best-known Russian. His newly acquired international fame made a joke out of the pro-Kremlin media’s policy to refer to him as just a “blogger” and Putin’s own refusal to call him by name.

Having indeed started as an anti-corruption blogger over a decade ago, Navalny was Russia’s first opposition figure who managed to create an extremely efficient nationwide network of supporters, many in their twenties or even teens.

In a country mired by political apathy and pervasive cynicism, he managed to inspire millions by conducting groundbreaking investigations into the astonishing corruption of Putin’s entourage and presenting them in easy-to-grasp YouTube videos filled with his trademark irony. By getting arrested upon arrival from Germany, Navalny made the Kremlin look both weak and vengeful.

One may interpret the decision to detain him as a sign of convulsive fear, but there is a pragmatic side to it, too. The most hardcore part of Putin’s constituency might be in fact enjoying scenes of Navalny’s mistreatment.

Talk shows on Kremlin-linked TV channels anchored by people like Vladimir Solovyov and Dmitry Kiselev, who take an almost sadistic pleasure in observing Navalny’s ordeal, have a sizeable audience. Kiselev even went as far as spending a night in the hotel room in Tomsk where Navalny’s poisoning likely took place – just to mock those outraged by the attempted murder.

But Navalny has his hardcore supporters and a growing audience, too. His latest investigation focusing on a lavish palace Putin allegedly built for himself on the Black Sea coast had 25 million views on YouTube within 24 hours of its release on January 19 and by January 23, had reached a staggering 70 million.

Today, it seems the Russian society is divided into three unequal parts. Two minorities represent the staunch supporters of Navalny and Putin and a majority in the middle which is comprised of people whose support of the Russian president is tentative and pragmatic. These are people who stick with the crowd and who are always very attentive to the general mood in the country.

That means they may change their political preferences in a one-off event when opposition to the current leadership reaches a critical mass. This is what happened in 1991, when a democratic revolution in Moscow led to the collapse of the entire Soviet state. An attempt by communist hardliners to stage a military coup led to a massive backlash, which resulted in the downfall of the entire regime.

 More recently, in 2020 a very similar abrupt shift happened in Belarus, where people suddenly rose up against their dictatorial president, Alexander Lukashenko, with the majority joining opposition-led protests and resistance. Lukashenko is still holding tight, although he has clearly lost legitimacy.

It is this kind of shift Navalny is hoping to precipitate when he calls for people to stage protests. He is probably not expecting immediate success. Rather he is building momentum for the hot phase of the Duma election campaign in the spring and summer, when COVID-19 fears and the cold weather will abate, bringing even more people to the streets.

Although many are inspired by Navalny’s fearlessness, it is going to be an uphill battle. Millions of Putin’s conditional supporters have good reasons to believe that they might lose more than they would gain in the event of his fall. This is dictated by their experiences in the 1990s and their understanding of regional politics today.

Putin’s regime provides for modestly good standards of living – on par with poorer EU countries and much higher than in Ukraine or Georgia, the two supposed models of pro-West reforms in the post-Soviet space.

Ukraine, which lived through turbulent times after a revolution and a Russian military attack in 2014, remains a potent scarecrow for Russians. On the one hand, its Maidan revolution has failed to bring down the oligarchic system or, as many call, it – the mafia state. On the other, Putin’s intervention in Ukraine clearly showed to what lengths the regime is prepared to go when it comes to suppressing a freedom movement.

The prospect of political strife in Russia raises fears of the country’s disintegration accompanied by armed conflicts with neighbours or domestic insurgencies. Many Russians also suspected that the unsympathetic or outright hostile West would be cheering centrifugal forces that would rip the country apart, just like in Ukraine.

The West is completely oblivious to the enormity of the challenge the world will face, when Russia, with its arsenal of nuclear and other deadly weapons, its millions of security personnel trained to fight and kill, inevitably enters a period of unrest due to its broken system of democratic transfer of power. Worst of all, it has no positive agenda for the Russian population, as it had for people in other Eastern European countries, when they were welcomed into the European Union and NATO.

Russian intervention in East Ukraine

Jumbo Celebration for Zoo Matriarch Photos Bohdan Warchomij January 24, 2021

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Perth Zoo’s Asian Elephant, who arrived in Perth in 1963, turned 64 years old today.

Zoo staff, volunteers, visitors and the media gathered on the main lawn to see Tricia enjoying her giant cake made from frozen bran, fruit and peanut butter.

Senior Elephant Keeper, Kirsty Carey, who has personally looked after Tricia for 15 years, said “Tricia is a Perth icon and loved by the community, so we are not surprised by the attention she receives on her birthday.”

Asian elephants have six sets of teeth in their lifetime and Tricia is on her final set. Her health and welfare are the top priority for her six zookeepers who work hard to ensure she is kept comfortable.

“To help alleviate age related niggles she regularly receives deep tissue massages with an equine massage therapy pad, and we oil and moisturise her skin,” said Kirsty. “We also have humidifiers in her barn to keep her skin moist at night – it’s like an elephant spa experience.”

“In the colder weather we have a specially designed blanket to keep her toasty warm on her slow walks around the Zoo.”

“Having cared for Tricia for more than fifteen years, it is my absolute privilege to look after her in her final years.’

‘She is an amazing animal that has had a unique impact on the people of Perth.” said Kirsty.

 

Alexander Navalny returns to Moscow and arrest. January 18, 2021

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Photo: (Mstyslav Chernov / Associated Press)

 

 

BERLIN —

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was arrested Sunday at a Moscow airport as he tried to enter the country from Germany, where he had spent five months recovering from nerve agent poisoning that he blames on the Kremlin.

Navalny’s detention at passport control in Moscow’s Sheremetyevo airport was widely expected because Russia’s prisons service said he had violated parole terms from a suspended sentence on a 2014 embezzlement conviction.

The prisons service said he would be held in custody until a court rules on his case. No date for a court appearance was immediately announced. The service earlier said that it would seek to have Navalny serve his 3 1/2-year sentence behind bars.

Navalny, 44, who is President Vladimir Putin’s most prominent and determined foe, brushed off concerns about arrest as he boarded the plane in Berlin.

“It’s impossible. I’m an innocent man,” he said.

The arrest raises tensions in Russia as it approaches national parliament elections this year, in which Navalny’s organization is expected to be active in trying to defeat pro-Kremlin candidates. Navalny decided to leave Berlin of his own free will and wasn’t under any apparent pressure to leave Germany.

“This is a real act of bravery for Alexei Navalny to return to Russia, given that government agents already tried to kill him once,” Human Rights Watch Executive Director Kenneth Roth tweeted. “But he understandably wants to be part of the pro-democracy movement in Russia, not a dissident in exile.”

U.S. President-elect Joe Biden’s pick for national security advisor called on Russian authorities to free Navalny.

 

“Mr. Navalny should be immediately released, and the perpetrators of the outrageous attack on his life must be held accountable,” Jake Sullivan said in a tweet.

Putin’s spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, responded to a question about the arrest by saying, “Was he arrested in Germany? I’m not up to date,” according to the online news site Podyom. Peskov, like Putin, is noted for avoiding saying Navalny’s name.

Navalny has sizable popularity in Moscow. Many supporters Sunday went to Vnukovo airport, where his flight was scheduled to land, though it was diverted to Sheremetyevo without explanation.

The OVD-Info organization that monitors political arrests said at least 53 people were arrested, including Navalny supporters and journalists, at Vnukovo, where the arrivals hall had been blocked off and prisoner transport vehicles were parked outside. There were at least three detentions at Sheremetyevo, it said.

The independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta and opposition social media reported Sunday that several Navalny supporters in St. Petersburg had been removed from Moscow-bound trains or been prevented from boarding flights late Saturday and early Sunday, including the coordinator of his staff for the region of Russia’s second-largest city.

Labs in Germany, France and Sweden, and tests by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, established that he was exposed to a Soviet-era Novichok nerve agent.

Russian authorities insisted that the doctors who treated Navalny in Siberia before he was airlifted to Germany found no traces of poison and have challenged German officials to provide proof of his poisoning. Russia refused to open a full-fledged criminal inquiry, citing a lack of evidence that Navalny was poisoned.

Last month, Navalny released the recording of a phone call he said he made to a man he described as an alleged member of a group of officers of the Federal Security Service, or FSB, who purportedly poisoned him in August and then tried to cover it up. The FSB dismissed the recording as fake.

Navalny has been a thorn in the Kremlin’s side for a decade, unusually durable in an opposition movement often demoralized by repressions.

He has been jailed repeatedly in connection with protests and twice was convicted of financial misdeeds in cases that he said were politically motivated. He suffered significant eye damage when an assailant threw disinfectant into his face and was taken from jail to a hospital in 2019 with an illness that authorities said was an allergic reaction but that many suspected was poisoning.

 

The Ukrainian Malanka: The Julian Calendar celebration of the New Year in Perth January 17, 2021

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Is Perth’s Inglewood Australia’s only Ukrainian Malanka in Australia this year? President of the Ukrainian Association Mykola Mowczan speculated that it might be in a speech to the attendees. A tightly controlled New Year’s Eve Dance saw great performances of Ukrainian Dance from Speka and Roztiazka on a beautiful night in Perth, a wonderful atmosphere and a gathering of friends from the Ukrainian community
Photos Bohdan Warchomij 16 January 2021.

Sri Lankan/Australian jazz drummer and composer Rajiv Jayaweera PISTILS January 13, 2021

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This collection of original compositions by New York-based Rajiv Jayaweera is a deeply personal reflection of his strong South Asian culture and identity that is dear to his heart

 Featuring Chris Cheek (soprano & tenor saxophones), Aaron Parks (piano), Hugh Stuckey (guitar), Sam Anning (double bass), Rajiv Jayaweera (drums, cymbals, thammattama, caxixi), Lara Bello (voice)

https://www.earshift.com/rajiv-jayaweera-pistils

 Available June 5, 2020 on Outside in Music / Earshift Music (Australia/Asia)

Pistils is the debut recording from Sri Lankan/Australian jazz drummer and composer, Rajiv Jayaweera. The album showcases eight compelling, thoughtful originals, which draw inspiration from Sri Lanka.  Jayaweera’s compositions feature strong melodies and beauty, coupled with intricate bass lines and rhythmic interplay.  His band of Chris Cheek (soprano & tenor saxophones), Aaron Parks (piano), Hugh Stuckey (guitar) and Sam Anning (double bass), truly display why they are amongst the most revered and sought-after musicians on the scene today.

The album is bookended by two different versions of the title track, Pistils. The first is sparse and free of time, with the profoundly emotive vocals of special guest, Lara Bello, who sings the melody in an improvised language. It closes with a stripped back trio take with guitar, saxophone and drums playing the “Pistils” theme, with the style of the great Paul Motian trio in mind. The melody of Pistils is a monumental achievement, and the centerpiece of this wonderful debut from an artist overflowing with potential and possibilities. One of the most special characteristics in Sri Lanka is the variety of flowers that exist there. In trying to get to the essence of these flowers, you find the seed-bearing organs, collectively known as “pistils.” Jayaweera was drawn to the word pistils because it took him to the heart of these flowers.

Ellstandissa, featuring the relatively unknown Thammattama drum (also known as a temple drum), a two-headed traditional drum played with a pair of fascinating curly wooden sticks and most commonly used in cultural ceremonies, incorporates rhythms from a Sri Lankan dance entitled Gajaga Wannama, or dance of the elephant, in 7/8 time. The main melody of the song is circular and haunting, and is played over a counter melody that superimposes a polyrhythmic figure. Ellstandissa is a made up word combining the names of the composer’s grandparents.

It’s fitting that the next track is Welikadawatte, translating to Welikada Gardens in Sinhalese. It is an area in central Colombo (the commercial capital and largest city in Sri Lanka), originally home to many large cinnamon and coconut plantations. For over forty years this was where Rajiv’s grandparents lived and a place he would visit each year. Musically, this piece is reminiscent of Ahmad Jamal’s famous tune, Poinciana.

The Elephant, once again incorporating the Thammattama drum, conjures up the image of an elephant walking through the jungle.

Hirimbura is Rajiv’s Grandfather’s hometown in the south of Sri Lanka. The piece has ‘stompy’ Charles Mingus-esque feel that is simultaneously modern and traditional in nature. The strong quarter-note pulse instinctively makes you want to tap your foot or click your fingers along to it.

A Malkoha Bird is a tropical bird endemic to Sri Lanka with a long graduated tail. This is the only song on the album where saxophonist Chris Cheek switches from tenor to soprano, singing the melody like a bird.

More about Rajiv Jayaweera:

Jayaweera is truly a global citizen, a fact that permeates and weaves its way into his playing and composing. He was born in London, grew up in Melbourne, is of Sri Lankan heritage and is currently based in New York City. He completed his Bachelor of Music at the Victorian College of the Arts in 2000, and Masters in Jazz Studies at SUNY Purchase, New York in 2013.

Crossing Roper Bar Photo Bohdan Warchomij 2012

In Australia he was a highly sought after drummer, touring and recording with the country’s finest musicians and ensembles including The Joe Chindamo Trio, The Bennett’s Lane Big Band, The Sam Anning Quintet, Bopstretch and The Australian Art Orchestra’s Crossing Roper Bar Project. I first came across Rajiv on the 2012 tour of the Crossing Roper Bar project with Paul Grabowsky the musical director on piano, Stephen Magnussen on guitar and Tony Hicks on reeds, Rajiv was the drummer. Here are some of the photos I took on that project.

Crossing Roper Bar 2012 Photo Bohdan Warchomij

Rajiv Jayaweera Crossing Roper Bar 2012 Photo Bohdan Warchomij

Since moving to New York City, Jayaweera has performed at the legendary jazz clubs, Smalls, The Blue Note, Bar Next Door, Dizzy’s (J@LC), Birdland, and others. He has been awarded grants from The Australia Council for the Arts, The Ian Potter Cultural Trust, The American-Australian Foundation, and was a finalist for the prestigious Freedman Jazz Fellowship, performing at the Sydney Opera House in 2013.

Jayaweera has toured extensively around the world, performing at Jazz at Lincoln Centre, Doha, The Cotton Club, Tokyo, The London Jazz Festival, The Montreux Jazz Festival, The Copenhagen Jazz Festival, among many others. His quintet was featured as “artists in residence”, and a headline act, at the Thailand International Jazz Conference in 2020.

This year, he has released his debut album made up of his original compositions entitled Pistils. The album features Chris Cheek, Aaron Parks, Sam Anning, Hugh Stuckey and Lara Bello and will be released on Outside in Music (USA) and Earshift Music (Australia).

Catalogue Number: EAR037

A Photographic Trove of Village Life in Post War Ukraine: Photographer Ivan Lytvyn January 6, 2021

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Photo IVAN LYTVYN

In the attic of an old house, artist Ihor Solodovnikov stumbled on a collection of 5,000 photographs taken by his grandfather, Ivan Lytvyn. The images preserve the faces of Ukrainian villagers in the postwar period and the folk traditions that were rarely, if ever, captured by official Soviet photographers.

Artist Ihor Solodnikov

The unique find documents how rural Ukrainians lived and worked, what they wore, and how they spent their precious free time. The photos also reveal the transformations taking place in Ukraine from the late 1950s to the early ’70s as local customs gave way to Soviet influence.

In 2010, Solodovnikov and his family were preparing to sell Lytvyn’s house in the Cherkasy region. Solodovnikov was sorting through rubbish in the attic when he found his grandfather’s old suitcase, filled with photographic accessories. But he didn’t explore the contents closely until two years ago, when he noticed the rolls of film left by Lytvyn. Solodovnikov started working to digitize the photographs.

“I couldn’t pull myself away. I scanned the negatives day and night,” he said.

It took Solodovnikov about a month to digitize his grandfather’s archive of 5,000 photographs.

IVAN LYTVYN

RAISA LYTVYN daughter IVAN LYTVYN PHOTO

“I saw a different time and a different life: generations, traditions, faces that are long gone,” he said.

Ivan Lytvyn was born in April 1924 in the village of Hrushkivka in Ukraine’s central Cherkasy region. He lived through the Holodomor, the Stalin-era mass famine of the 1930s, and recalled that several children in his own family did not survive.

At the age of 18, Lytvyn was deported to Germany in the midst of World War II. He managed to escape from several camps, but wound up in Buchenwald before the war’s end.

“The value of life has been reduced to zero. After what I saw, I’m not even afraid of death,” he later told his grandson.

Lytvyn’s greatest passion was drawing. After the war, he studied with the Ukrainian painter Makar Mukha, who ran a school near Hrushkivka. Mukha encouraged Lytvyn to pursue art, and he began studying at an academy in Odesa, but poverty forced him to return home. Lytvyn was already married and needed to help his large family. Soon, he had a daughter, and later a son.

 ”He regretted that he could not draw freely, that he had to work, take care of the household, provide for his family. He was a wonderful family man,” Raisa, Lytvyn’s daughter, said.

IVAN LYTVYN

Lytvyn worked as a librarian in Hrushkivka. He also painted posters in the village and made sculptures and monuments to fallen soldiers. He secretly restored the surviving icons in the village church.

Lytvyn had started taking photos before the war, when he was still in school.

“He always had rolls of film and negatives falling out of his pockets,” Solodovnikov recalls.

In the late 1950s, Lytvyn acquired a modern Zorki 2 camera, a Soviet copy of the German Leica.

 

“My father was the only one who had a camera in the village. They were inseparable. He wore the camera on a strap over his shoulder. He lived with it,” Raisa said.

Lytvyn started to supplement his income with photography. On Sundays, there were often lines in front of his house as neighbors came to request passport photos or pictures marking their birthdays.

Photography replaced Ivan’s passion for drawing, a dream he was unable to pursue.

IVAN LYTVYN

Among the many striking photos, Lytvyn’s portraits stand out.

“I see a reflection of time in his portraits,” said Valery Miloserdov, a photographer and expert on the field in Ukraine. “The people are very genuine in them. His photos were taken in the late 1950s to the early 1970s. This is a very interesting period that is not depicted in official Soviet photography at all.”

The images confer an element of poetry to the lives of ordinary villagers.

 Lytvyn managed to capture the diversity of folk wedding traditions, some of which would later fade away. These photos make up the largest category in the photographer’s archive.

The photos document the shift from traditional wedding rites to Soviet-style ceremonies. The flower wreath traditionally worn by a Ukrainian bride began to be replaced by a veil in the early ’70s.

 ”Lytvyn was not part of the school of Soviet photographers,” Miloserdov said. “I think he himself understood that his photos were very different from the style of Soviet propaganda. If he took his photos to a newspaper, he would have been told, ‘Very, very nice, but we can’t print it.’”
But Lytvyn understood the standards for “good” Soviet photography. His archive includes pictures he took specifically for the library, where he worked for other official purposes.

IVAN LYTVYN

Most of Lytvyn’s photos were never printed.

“My grandfather just printed the orders he had, and some family photos, but it’s a very small number — about 10 percent of everything he photographed. At that time, my grandfather did not have a photo laboratory, or the time or opportunity to print everything,” Solodovnikov said.

After 25 years working at the Hrushkivka library, Lytvyn was invited to work in Kamyanka, the district center 8 kilometers away. He started working at the local art workshop, but instead of doing creative work there, as he hoped, he was required to draw propaganda posters and write slogans.

Lytvyn’s son Anatoliy worked alongside him and recalls painting portraits of Vladimir Lenin and other Soviet leaders. They inscribed slogans like: “Glory to the CPSU [Communist Party of the Soviet Union]!” “Peace, Labor, May”; or “Long live the anniversary of the Great October!”

After moving to Kamyanka, Ivan stopped taking photos.

“It seems to me that he was not well-appreciated in the workshop. He was already old. Nobody went to him to be photographed there, either. He thought he could gain something in the city, but instead he lost. It seems to me that my father regretted the move,” his daughter said.

On February 11, 1987, Ivan Lytvyn died of a stroke in Kamyanka, Cherkasy Oblast. He was 62.

IVAN LYTVYN

All photographs were provided by Ivan Lytvyn’s grandson, Ihor Solodovnikov, a Ukrainian artist, photographer, and art critic. His archive of his grandfather’s work also includes three paintings.

  • 16x9 Image

    RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service

    RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service is dedicated to covering all of Ukraine, including the conflict zones and Crimea, and sets a standard for balanced reporting and high-impact investigative journalism.

 

2021: A Message from Charles Bukowski: From Maria Popova BRAINPICKING January 3, 2021

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“Unless it comes unasked out of your heart and your mind and your mouth and your gut,” Charles Bukowski (August 16, 1920–March 9, 1994) wrote in his famous poem about what it takes to be a writer, “don’t do it.” But Bukowski himself was a late bloomer in the journey of finding one’s purpose, as his own “it” — that irrepressible impulse to create — took decades to coalesce into a career.

Like many celebrated authors who once had ordinary day jobs, Bukowski tried a variety of blue-collar occupations before becoming a full-time writer and settling into his notorious writing routine. In this mid-thirties, he took a position as a fill-in mailman for the U.S. Postal Service. But even though he’d later passionately argue that no day job or practical limitation can stand in the way of true creativity, he found himself stifled by working for the man. By his late forties, he was still a postal worker by day, writing a column for LA’s underground magazine Open City in his spare time and collaborating on a short-lived literary magazine with another poet.

In 1969, the year before Bukowski’s fiftieth birthday, he caught the attention of Black Sparrow Press publisher John Martin, who offered him a monthly stipend of $100 to quit his day job and dedicate himself fully to writing. (It was by no means a novel idea — the King of Poland had done essentially the same for the great astronomer Johannes Hevelius five centuries earlier.) Bukowski gladly complied. Less than two years later, Black Sparrow Press published his first novel, appropriately titled Post Office.

Maria Popova BRAINPICKING.ORG; BUKOWSKI.NET

Nick Martin Funeral: a Rebel until the End December 23, 2020

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A convoy of close to 200 Rebels’ bikies on Harleys roared through the streets of Perth accompanying the casket of slain bikie boss Nick Martin as it made its way to his funeral service. Embraced in the arms of his fellow Rebels until the end the funeral brought together family and friends in loyalty to the leader.

The casket, which was  covered in designer hundred dollar bills and topped by a Rebels bikie flag, led the procession, attached dramatically to the sidecar of a Rebels’ bikie’s motorcycle.

Close behind was a hearse and two black limousines carrying Martin’s loved ones and family.

The procession was closely followed by dozens of armed police in vans, cars and on motorbikes.

Whitfords Avenue,  at the  entrance to Pinaroo Cemetery. was choked with media and curious bystanders  as the cortege swept into the Cemetery grounds for a very private funeral.

The Most Important Story of the Year BLACK LIVES MATTER Photos Bohdan Warchomij Metaphor Images 2020 December 21, 2020

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It is a difficult question to deal with in the year that was in many ways centred on a virus. Covid 19 has impacted on the world in so many ways, socially, economically, medically, politically and emotionally.

 

In a similar vein to the Berlin Wall protests in 1989, Martin Luther King’s ‘I Have a Dream’ speech in 1963 and the Women’s March in 2017, 2020’s Black Lives Matter protests are historic and will hopefully continue to inspire change.

At George Floyd’s funeral on June 9, his brother Rodney told mourners: ‘Everybody is going to remember him around the world. He is going to change the world.’

Undoubtedly, the 47-year-old’s death has marked the beginning of a global call for action. He has started a movement that is changing our world for the better.

From London to New York to Perth the impact of his death has triggered an outpouring of racial empathy that has struck a chord with the world and the human race.

Humanity, and that is our essence,  will continue to benefit from our new consciousness.

The photos of the Perth protest tell the story of our commitment in 2020.